Organize (for class struggle anarchism) é a magazine da Anarchist Communist Federation. A revista continua em circulação, tendo o número #77 saído no Inverno de 2011.
Esta edição do archive for digital revolution é dedicada ao Organize nº35 de Julho-Setembro de 1994, quando em Inglaterra discutia-se o Criminal Justice Bill do governo de John Major que pretendia tirar as licenças de caravanas à população cigana, permitir a revista aleatória de cidadãos por parte da polícia, alterações no direito ao silêncio de um arguido, entre outras medidas restritivas das liberdades e garantias.

A resistência ao act foi para as ruas unindo diversos grupos autónomos e soundsystems.

Do número 35 da Organize, destacamos o artigo sobre a ligação do anarquismo à cultura pop, tendo como referências os grupos reconhecidos que emanaram do movimento underground.

The Relationship Between Anarchism and Pop Culture
Punk Politics

There is a great deal of scepticism about the significance of punk to real political change, but the massively inspirational work of the Mekons, The Pop Group and especially Crass cannot be overlooked.
Crass were communards and anarchists who had belonged to the underground scene since the late sixties and early seventies and in 1974 were at the forefront of the first Stonehenge Festival. Consisting of five men and three women, not counting 'associate member', poet Annie Anxiety, Crass were initially inspired by the clarion call of the Sex Pistol's Anarchy in the UK and the sloganeering leftist rhetoric of The Clash.
Musically, they had more in common with Irish republican band Stiff Little Fingers. But their political stance, tackling such thorny issues as feminism ('Women'), nuclear disarmament (They've Got A Bomb'), class divisions ('Time Out'), the hypocritical facade of hippies and yippie ('General Bacardi') and, most infamously, the Falklands War ('The Immortal Death', 'How Does It Feel To Be The Mother Of A Thousand Dead?' (Sheepfarming In The Falklands') showed an ingenuity which went well beyond the contrived posturing of the 1977 comrades.
As punk turned to the record company safety of 'new wave' (a more marketable, apolitical version), Crass instigated what they termed 'real punk', with benefits for anarchist and class struggle prisioners, heavy invulvement with CND, squats and their own Anarchy Centres. By the end of the decade, comrades like Poison Girls, Conflict and Zounds had arrived and a 24h Uk anarcho-punk festival was held at the famed Zig Zag Squat in London.


Eventually, anarchism and animal rights wou Id be universally commonplace to the punk movement. The USA, Czechoslovakia, Germany and many other countries all had vibrant punk scenes. Indeed, punk was seen as an important revulutionary stance by the youth of Prague and Berlin who were nut fooled by the new capitalist strategies any more than they had been by 'communism'.
Berlin in particular saw a large community of anarcho-punk (and socialist skinhead) yuuths living out their anarchist principles within a squatted 'no man's-land' in 1991, fighting the police on the streets to maintain their autonomous community. Crass may have split in the symbolic year of 1984, as they often said they would, but their influential anarchist ideals were firmly entrenched in the minds of virtually everyone active in the scene. Punk had provided a soundtrack to Tatcherism and all that went with it: the 1981 summer riots, the Falklands, The Miner´s Strike and the Trafalgar Square Poll Tax rebellion. As the music itself grew more diverse, with forays into ska, reggae, dub, folk and performance art, so the ideals and aims grew gradually more sophisticated.
Chumbawamba, a commune-based, working class situationist group, gave the scene its new mentors, as their extraurdinary albums, usually revolving around a single theme being looked at from different revolutionary perspectives, gained critical respect, something Crass never 'achieved'.
The Chumbas excel at producing music in diverse styles, from acapella folk to dance, via polka, thrash and ballads. Lyrically, they display imagination and knowledge regarding aid, communism, the futility of the vote, a future anarchist society, fascism, soxism and animal exploitation.


By the arrival of the nineties, the word punk could now be applied to a massive range of bands and individuals and had an obvious relevance to the rise of New Age travellers and Riot Grrrls. The grrrl scene regularly name-checks anarchism and situationism and has committed itself (in Britain at least) to a positive, open-minded point of view, which is largely oppositional to what is seen us the domain of middle-class, separatist bores of mainstream and left-wing feminism.
Within Riot Grrrl there is an incredible network of young people (obviously largely female) communicating, interacting, sharing thoughts on politics, sexuality and lifestyle, pursuing an alternative to mainstream society.
Some now call themselves 'anarchoferns' as well as Riot Grrrls, and that surely is an important sign of a serious political edge with their American grrrl friends also moving towards autonomy and generally a fuller understanding that their struggle is the same as that being fought by the pro-choice campaigners, the environmetal groups, the anti-racist organisers and, in a lot of cases, the anarchist movement also. 

Many are disappointed with the small minded pettiness, sectarianism and numerom; hall-hearted phonies masquerading within the anarchist movement and will thus remain Riot Grrrls first with anarchist sympathies included in their 'grrrl positive/grrr'l bonding' hypothesis. It could teach the rest of the movement some valuable lessons in sincerity and solidarity. And it teaches the world of music and popular culture a lot about artistic integrity and staunch no sellout attitudes. Within all this, there certainly is some revolutionary potential.